reasons for ycp downfall

[hacker123]

 

[appusri]

4 minutes ago, hacker123 said:

 

Neutral (or BJP/JSP) musugu lo unna RajPattem lanti coverts kooda oka reason ani add cheyyalasindhi.

[pizzaaddict]

Credit : Anil , roja , kodali , sajjala and abusive language.   Noteworthy things ami unaye during 2019-24 antey , sincere ga welfare schemes ani saying 

[andhra_jp]

Disconnect with public, leadership crisis cost YSRCP dear

The YSRCP was unable to handle such a huge mandate given to the party by the people of Andhra Pradesh five years ago; its strategy of demanding votes in return for welfare schemes also did not go down well with the people

The YSR Congress Party’s (YSRCP) dismal performance in the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections speaks volumes about the party’s disconnect with the people of the State. Going by the way it conducted itself in the past five years, the leadership crisis was quite visible in the party.

The party was limited to 10 Assembly seats (subject to a formal announcement by the Election Commission) in the current elections, a drastic fall compared to its tally of 151 in the 2019 elections.

After coming to power with a thumping majority in 2019, the ruling party, over a period of time, consciously disowned several sections of the society such as government employees, unemployed graduates, industries, forward communities, people not covered under welfare schemes, and small and big businessmen. From the start of its tenure, the party distanced itself from anything that was not part of a welfare agenda. This apart, there was no second-rung leadership apart from the party president Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, which left the party crippled when it came to having someone with a strong understanding of issues actively interacting with the public.

Interestingly, leaders of the party were aware of this, but did not seem to worry about it.

“We don’t need anyone to connect us with our votebank. Be it employees, NGOs, the media, or anyone for that matter, we don’t care. We have benefited crores of people and our votebank is secured. We will continue to form governments for another 30 years,” said a top political functionary of the YSRCP a couple of years ago, much before there was any indication of the anti-incumbency mood that would sweep the State.

Reflecting on the results, Mr. Jagan, in a press conference on the evening of June 4 (Tuesday), said it was a mystery as to how crores of people did not vote for him despite benefiting from the welfare schemes instituted by his government.

“We benefited 53 lakh mothers, gave pensions to 66 lakh senior citizens, physically challenged people and widows, and 54 lakh farmers. I don’t know where all that affection shown by them had gone,” wondered Mr. Jagan.

The party, which had heavily banked on the nine welfare schemes, dubbed ‘Navaratnalu’, was confident that its welfare schemes and Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) schemes would ensure a smooth sailing in the elections. However, the party surprisingly ignored other key aspects such as industrial and infrastructural development, investments and job creation and also overlooked a brewing public anger over certain alleged scandals.

The massive public discontent is said to have stemmed from the following issues: rising unemployment, bad roads, alleged diversion of funds from numerous corporations, issues related to employees in general and government teachers in particular, overpricing of liquor, introduction of unknown brands and insistence on cash payment at liquor shops, ‘land and sand mafia’, and finally the A.P. Land Titling Act.

Ministers and party leaders were said to be deeply aware of these issues, but none of them reportedly dared to raise their voice or attempt to fix them.

The leadership crisis was such an open secret that a leader was heard saying, “From ward volunteer to MLA to Minister, Mr. Jagan is all in all. He knows all and will solve everything. We just follow him.”

No leader in the party was ready to own up responsibility and fix issues. Everything was left to Mr. Jagan, and the leaders just parroted the slogan ‘Why not 175?’ (winning all 175 seats in the Assembly).

The party’s strategy of demanding votes in return for the welfare schemes and DBT also did not go down well with the people, who maintained that the money being spent by the government on the schemes was coming from the public exchequer, not from politicians’ pockets. Continuous harping on the doles being handed out to beneficiaries was also not palatable to many, it was felt.

To sum it up, the YSRCP was unable to handle such a huge mandate given to the party by the people of Andhra Pradesh five years ago.

Now, the TDP-BJP-JSP alliance has been handed an even bigger mandate. Time to wait and watch how such ‘next to absolute’ power is handled by the alliance in the days to come.

[appusri]

7 minutes ago, andhra_jp said:

Disconnect with public, leadership crisis cost YSRCP dear

The YSRCP was unable to handle such a huge mandate given to the party by the people of Andhra Pradesh five years ago; its strategy of demanding votes in return for welfare schemes also did not go down well with the people

The YSR Congress Party’s (YSRCP) dismal performance in the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections speaks volumes about the party’s disconnect with the people of the State. Going by the way it conducted itself in the past five years, the leadership crisis was quite visible in the party.

The party was limited to 10 Assembly seats (subject to a formal announcement by the Election Commission) in the current elections, a drastic fall compared to its tally of 151 in the 2019 elections.

After coming to power with a thumping majority in 2019, the ruling party, over a period of time, consciously disowned several sections of the society such as government employees, unemployed graduates, industries, forward communities, people not covered under welfare schemes, and small and big businessmen. From the start of its tenure, the party distanced itself from anything that was not part of a welfare agenda. This apart, there was no second-rung leadership apart from the party president Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, which left the party crippled when it came to having someone with a strong understanding of issues actively interacting with the public.

Interestingly, leaders of the party were aware of this, but did not seem to worry about it.

“We don’t need anyone to connect us with our votebank. Be it employees, NGOs, the media, or anyone for that matter, we don’t care. We have benefited crores of people and our votebank is secured. We will continue to form governments for another 30 years,” said a top political functionary of the YSRCP a couple of years ago, much before there was any indication of the anti-incumbency mood that would sweep the State.

Reflecting on the results, Mr. Jagan, in a press conference on the evening of June 4 (Tuesday), said it was a mystery as to how crores of people did not vote for him despite benefiting from the welfare schemes instituted by his government.

“We benefited 53 lakh mothers, gave pensions to 66 lakh senior citizens, physically challenged people and widows, and 54 lakh farmers. I don’t know where all that affection shown by them had gone,” wondered Mr. Jagan.

The party, which had heavily banked on the nine welfare schemes, dubbed ‘Navaratnalu’, was confident that its welfare schemes and Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) schemes would ensure a smooth sailing in the elections. However, the party surprisingly ignored other key aspects such as industrial and infrastructural development, investments and job creation and also overlooked a brewing public anger over certain alleged scandals.

The massive public discontent is said to have stemmed from the following issues: rising unemployment, bad roads, alleged diversion of funds from numerous corporations, issues related to employees in general and government teachers in particular, overpricing of liquor, introduction of unknown brands and insistence on cash payment at liquor shops, ‘land and sand mafia’, and finally the A.P. Land Titling Act.

Ministers and party leaders were said to be deeply aware of these issues, but none of them reportedly dared to raise their voice or attempt to fix them.

The leadership crisis was such an open secret that a leader was heard saying, “From ward volunteer to MLA to Minister, Mr. Jagan is all in all. He knows all and will solve everything. We just follow him.”

No leader in the party was ready to own up responsibility and fix issues. Everything was left to Mr. Jagan, and the leaders just parroted the slogan ‘Why not 175?’ (winning all 175 seats in the Assembly).

The party’s strategy of demanding votes in return for the welfare schemes and DBT also did not go down well with the people, who maintained that the money being spent by the government on the schemes was coming from the public exchequer, not from politicians’ pockets. Continuous harping on the doles being handed out to beneficiaries was also not palatable to many, it was felt.

To sum it up, the YSRCP was unable to handle such a huge mandate given to the party by the people of Andhra Pradesh five years ago.

Now, the TDP-BJP-JSP alliance has been handed an even bigger mandate. Time to wait and watch how such ‘next to absolute’ power is handled by the alliance in the days to come.

Disconnect ledhu bokka ledhu. There is a huge fear factor among the people. Eravaina public ga nuvvu evaraki vote vesthav ante cheppe dhairyam cheyyaleni incidents chala unnaayi. Oka common citizen normal gaa thana opinion ni public gaa cheppaadaniki bhayapadtuhunnadu ante, that is the best indication for potentional defeat.

[Joker_007]

1 hour ago, hacker123 said:

 

vedevado anna ke salahalu istunnadu nalugu thannandi ra.. 

[andhra_jp]

‘Silent voting’ costs YSRCP candidates and poll managers dearly in Andhra Pradesh

Voters did not reveal their choice even to exit poll managers as many of them could not speak against the regime due to fear of incurring wrath of volunteers and losing benefits of welfare schemes

The voters kept their cards close to their chest before and even after the poll for various reasons. Even a vertical split in the votes is usually quite conspicuous during the campaign. But in this case, even the heavily one-sided mandate has succeeded to remain unseen till the last moment.

Unlike in the past, the tight-lipped voters had not given a hint of their preference even to exit poll managers this time, keeping them engaged in wild guesses. This is perhaps why many candidates remained away from reality, till the round-by-round figures emerging on the counting day shook them up.

The most obvious reason is the fear of the incumbent government. With the State-appointed volunteers, and village and ward secretariat staff breathing down their necks, especially in villages, people never had the privacy to discuss things.

Leave alone the discussion over the injustices meted out to them, many people felt choked with the inability to speak a word against the regime for fear of incurring the wrath of volunteers, who they believed could go to the extent of stripping them of their social security benefits.

Another factor is the fear of personal attacks which indeed happened over the last five years across the State. People speaking against the powers-that-be had to face physical assaults, verbal abuse in full public view or at least shaming over the ubiquitous social media platforms.

This is arguably the reason for the voters saving their ire for the election day, cautiously not disclosing their choices, and waiting for the right moment. This ‘stealth’ remained unnoticeable for the ruling party as their leaders gave it a clear miss till the last moment.

“We were getting hints of our predictions going wrong and expected to end up at 50 to60 seats, but this figure is quite ignominious”, a senior YSRCP MLA from Rayalaseema region told The Hindu.

“The poll verdict in Andhra Pradesh is a case study on whether to rely only on the freebies and welfare schemes to ensure victory at the hustings,” said a poll manager of a Lok Sabha candidate, requesting anonymity.

[Thokkalee]

Two reasons -ARROGANCE and surrounding himself with sycophants.

Jakkampudi Raja cheppinattu chuttu unnavallu andaru (including ipac) Jagan ni oka trance lo unchaaru… 

[andhra_jp]

 

[PizzaReddy]

intha analysis enduku PK 3 marriages anTEY saripoedi kada

[Pavanonline]

On 6/5/2024 at 6:46 AM, hacker123 said:

 

apt GIF  

 

[andhra_jp]

Jagan’s promise of expanded welfare started with a bang and ended with a whimper. The Jagan style of welfare governance was limited to targeted Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) schemes to the beneficiaries. The government’s investment in what is understood to be classical welfare, such as education, health, infrastructure, and public sector employment generation, was dismal, to say the least. The various corporations for SC, ST, and BC castes, along with dominant castes, that have been vehicles for political and economic mobility were hollowed out by withholding funds and powers. The welfare schemes for marginalised sections were put on hold, and the money intended for them was diverted to DBT schemes, thereby rendering the welfare toothless.

Take the example of financial support for students from SC castes intending to study abroad. Apart from Jagan renaming the scheme after himself, replacing Ambedkar's name from it, the number of hoops one has to jump through to avail of the scholarship made it practically impossible. The situation with other welfare schemes was no different. An ingenious budget accounting technique was developed to create the illusion of enormous spending for the welfare of SC/ST castes by replacing the SC/ST Sub-Plan, which mandates proportionate allocation of budgetary resources. Whereas SC/ST Sub-Plan has mandated spending, this disbursal is personalised and whimsical, replacing rights with favours that did not go down well with these sections. Many such welfare schemes were scrapped, affecting these sections materially and politically. The case with Muslims is no different.

Be that as it may. While Jagan’s government started with 50 percent reservation for SC/ST/BC/Minority castes in the nominated posts and even implemented it, the visible power holders calling the shots were from the Reddy caste. The hollowing out of caste corporations with scope for power and the power in nominated posts being nominal did not go unnoticed. After all, a democratic churning is as much about a pie of power as much about dignity. Similar is the case with political power. While half of the state cabinet was filled with representatives from the aforementioned sections, it has been widely understood that the real power was held by S Ramakrishna Reddy, without whose consent even an inconsequential file could not move in the power corridors. The situation was not much different in other avenues of power, which only exacerbated the anger.

Development, employment, and economy

Though one need not conform to the neoliberal binary of welfare and development, sustainable development as an employment-generating activity cannot be ignored, particularly in a state like Andhra Pradesh, which has fewer manufacturing jobs to begin with. That kind of development was severely lacking, with fiscal constraints further abetted by humongous debt the state amassed (according to one estimate, around 10 lakh crore) to fuel the DBT machine. To be fair to Jagan, one cannot blame him alone for the lack of private employment, as the situation is dire across the country. However, the lack of public employment added fuel to the fire. It was seen as unpardonable in a highly aspirational society whose world revolves around migrating to greener pastures in the West.

While the state is found wanting in industrial development, ill-conceived, quid-pro-quo policies such as sand mining and supposed three capitals severely debilitated the construction sector. None of these policies are either well thought out or consulted with. The large-scale migration to cities within Andhra and without, such as Hyderabad and Bengaluru, is a testimony to this.

While the manufacturing economy was in a shambles, the utter neglect of irrigation, especially in the Rayalaseema region, further accentuated the agrarian distress. With hardly any investment in developing surface irrigation for dry regions, they are left to fend for themselves or migrate as labourers to work in more prosperous agrarian belts in Coastal Andhra and Karnataka. The promise of developing backward areas is the promise of irrigation and industries to North Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema. Jagan’s government spectacularly failed on these two fronts.

While the situation concerning the economy and agriculture is dismal, the ill-thought, hasty enactment of the ‘Land Titling Act’ without consultation completed the decimation. The legislation, dubbed the ‘Land Grabbing Act’ by the Opposition, and was opposed from the beginning by organisations such as the Human Rights Forum (HRF), aimed to replace the existing process of registration of lands and dispute resolution mechanism. While the existing framework places the dispute resolution within the ambit of the judiciary, the legislation moved it to bureaucracy, thereby compromising the mechanism's independence.

That this would disproportionately affect the BC, SC, ST, and weaker sections did not deter Jagan’s government from going forward with its rollout till the judiciary stepped in and halted it. Helped liberally by scoops from the Telugu media sympathetic to TDP, the opposition successfully took the disastrous consequences of this Act widely and deeply into the rural populace. The fact that every document, survey stone, and all sundry bore the image of Jagan Mohan Reddy did not exactly help them in countering it. This legislation was the final act to bring down the curtain on Jagan’s rule.

Political Democracy and fear of expression

While the election result was a surprise for most, the fact that most exit polls, despite predicting a majority for the TDP alliance, could not gauge the extent of it itself tells a tale of political democracy and its valuable cousin, freedom of expression, or fear of expression, as was the case.

Any criticism, personal or political, was dealt with by hammers and tongs. Starting from an elderly woman who was harassed by the police for sharing a critical post on social media to Nara Lokesh, who was slapped with at least 23 cases in these 5 years, none could escape the possibility of being attacked for their opinion. According to one estimate, the cadre and leaders of the TDP were named as accused in around 2400 cases. While it is understood that the State has a monopoly on violence, political violence is decentralised and personalised. 

The killing of members from oppositional parties, mostly from marginalised sections, attacking them verbally and physically, and continuous abuse on all media platforms, including virulent social media, did not go unnoticed. As if it was enough, Jagan was seen openly backing elected representatives from his party accused of murdering Dalits. Similarly, the lack of concrete action in cases of mortal police brutality against Dalit professionals while advertising himself as the uncle of Dalits was not forgotten. 

The amount of abuse the protesting farmers and women of Amaravati had to endure is a case in point. It went to the extent that the wife of Nara Chandrababu Naidu - who was a businesswoman unconnected to politics as such - was abused on the floor of the Assembly by YSRCP MLAs, with tacit support from the Chief Minister. So was the case when the headquarters of the TDP was attacked by a mob led by Ministers and MLAs of the ruling party.

Geographically and politically, regions such as Palnadu and Rayalaseema were heavily affected by such violence. In these regions, the YSRCP—which had always been strong—was entirely routed in the elections. A clean correlation could be a stretch, but the possibility cannot be ruled out.

It did not help that the village/ward volunteer system, in which a volunteer working on behalf of the government was paid a paltry honorarium of Rs 5000/month to act as a liaison between the government and 50 families, was seen as an extension of the State into everyday life. While the system is a radical means of democratising governance, the privacy nightmare it ensured did all the damage it could. The same system also did not sit well with the village-level leaders, who felt their relationship with people as voters was bypassed.

While Jagan’s government was faltering on multiple fronts, the solid alliance built between TDP and JSP after the arrest of Chandrababu Naidu for his alleged role in the alleged skill development scam was coming to fruition. The promises of enhancing the DBT aid coupled with restoring the scrapped welfare schemes, scrapping of the Land Titling Act, the promise of public employment and private employment generation, along with deft caste alliances sealed the defeat of YSRCP.