swadesh Posted January 23, 2013 Report Posted January 23, 2013 [size=5][b]Happy Birthday 2[/b] [b]The revolutionary leader of[/b][/size] [size=5][b] INDIA'S War of INDEPENDENCE [/b][/size] [size=6][b]Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose[/b] [/size] [img]http://img690.imageshack.us/img690/3491/subhashbosephoto.jpg[/img] Subhas Chandra Bose, byname Netaji (Hindi: “Respected Leader”) (bornc. Jan. 23, 1897, Cuttack, Orissa, India, Indian revolutionary who led an Indian national force against the Western powers during World War II. The son of a wealthy and prominent Bengali lawyer, Bose studied at Presidency College, Calcutta (Kolkata), from which he was expelled in 1916 for nationalist activities, and the Scottish Churches College (graduating in 1919). He then was sent by his parents to the University of Cambridge in England to prepare for the Indian Civil Service. In 1920 he passed the civil service examination, but in April 1921, after hearing of the nationalist turmoils in India, he resigned his candidacy and hurried back to India. Throughout his career, especially in its early stages, he was supported financially and emotionally by an elder brother, Sarat Chandra Bose (1889–1950), a wealthy Calcutta lawyer and Congress Party politician. Bose joined the noncooperation movement started by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who had made the Indian National Congress a powerful nonviolent organization. Bose was advised by Gandhi to work under Chitta Ranjan Das, a politician in Bengal. There Bose became a youth educator, journalist, and commandant of the Bengal Congress volunteers. His activities led to his imprisonment in December 1921. In 1924 he was appointed chief executive officer of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation, with Das as mayor. Bose was soon after deported to Burma (Myanmar) because he was suspected of connections with secret revolutionary movements. Released in 1927, he returned to find Bengal Congress affairs in disarray after the death of Das, and shortly thereafter, Bose was elected president of the Bengal Congress. By this time Gandhi had resumed his leadership role in the Congress Party. When the civil disobedience movement was started in 1930, Bose was already in detention for his associations with an underground revolutionary group, the Bengal Volunteers. Released and then rearrested several times for his suspected role in violent acts, Bose was finally allowed to proceed to Europe after a year’s detention. In enforced exile, he wrote The Indian Struggle, 1920–1934 and pleaded India’s cause with European leaders. He returned from Europe in 1936, was again taken into custody, and was released after a year. In 1938 he was elected president of the Indian National Congress and formed a national planning committee, which formulated a policy of broad industrialization. However, this did not harmonize with Gandhian economic thought, which clung to the notion of cottage industries and benefiting from the use of the country’s own resources. Bose’s vindication came in 1939, when he defeated a Gandhian rival for reelection. Nonetheless, the “rebel president” felt bound to resign because of the lack of Gandhi’s support. He founded the Forward Bloc, hoping to rally radical elements, but was again incarcerated in July 1940. His refusal to remain in prison at this critical period of India’s history was expressed in a determination to fast to death, which frightened the British government into releasing him. On Jan. 26, 1941, though closely watched, he escaped from his Calcutta residence in disguise and, traveling via Kabul and Moscow, eventually reached Germany in April. In Nazi Germany Bose came under the tutelage of a newly created Special Bureau for India, guided by Adam von Trott zu Solz. He and other Indians who had gathered in Berlin made regular broadcasts from the German-sponsored Azad Hind Radio beginning in January 1942, speaking in English, Hindi, Bengali, Tamil, Telugu, Gujarati, and Pashto. A little more than a year after the Japanese invasion of Southeast Asia, Bose left Germany, traveling by German and Japanese submarines and by plane, and arrived in May 1943 in Tokyo. On July 4 he assumed leadership of the Indian Independence Movement in East Asia and proceeded, with Japanese aid and influence, to form a trained army of about 40,000 troops in Japanese-occupied Southeast Asia. On Oct. 21, 1943, Bose proclaimed the establishment of a provisional independent Indian government, and his so-called Indian National Army (Azad Hind Fauj), alongside Japanese troops, advanced to Rangoon (Yangôn) and thence overland into India, reaching Indian soil on March 18, 1944, and moving into Kohima and the plains of Imphal. In a stubborn battle, the mixed Indian and Japanese forces, lacking Japanese air support, were defeated and forced to retreat; the Indian National Army nevertheless for some time succeeded in maintaining its identity as a liberation army, based in Burma and then Indochina. With the defeat of Japan, however, Bose’s fortunes ended.
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swadesh Posted January 23, 2013 Author Report Posted January 23, 2013 [quote name='Panasa_pandu' timestamp='1358909385' post='1303155932'] [/quote] ???
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swadesh Posted January 23, 2013 Author Report Posted January 23, 2013 [b][u]Speech at the Calcutta Corporation on the attack on Writers' Building, Calcutta[/u][/b] I desire to associate myself whole-heartedly with the resolution that is before the House, and I do so not only as the Mayor of the Calcutta Corporation, but if I may say so, as the leader of the Congress party in this Province. It is incumbent on me to say a few words in this occasion to make clear to everybody concerned the attitude of Congressmen in this matter. I sincerely deplore the tragic incidents of Monday last and I do so because I feel that they are a confession of the temporary failure of the Congress programme and also the temporary failure of the Congress leaders to influence cent per cent of the younger generation in the country. I do hope that when our feelings calm down, we shall take the earliest opportunity to explore the deeper causes of the incidents that have given a rude shock to all of us. It will not do simply to brand as misguided the youths who are responsible for these incidents. The fact stares us in the face that there are people in this country, whatever their number may be, who want freedom not merely by following the Congress programme, but, if need be, they want freedom at any price and by any means. So far as the Congress party is concerned, they have made it clear over and over again as to what their policy and programme are. The whole world knows today that the Indian National Congress stands pledged to non-violence but why is it that inspite of the best efforts of the Congress leaders and inspite of the best efforts of Congress workers all over the country, beginning from Mahatma Gandhi down to the ordinary village worker, we have so far failed to influence the minds and the judgment of the entire younger generation in this country? We have failed, because, so far, the Congress programme has not achieved freedom for India. I firmly believe that we shall achieve freedom in the long run, but until we can prove by our success that the Congress programme is the only programme that the country should adopt and follow, I don't see how it is possible to convert cent per cent of the population to the cult of non-violence. There is another fact which I shall place before you. I should like you to consider whether the methods adopted by the Government during the last two years have had a salutary effect upon the minds of our countrymen. I am referring to the various ordinances that have been promulgated. I had occasion when I was in prison to talk frankly to several responsible members of the Government, and I made it perfectly clear to them that if these ordinances were promulgated one after another, if public meetings and processions were banned, if ordinances like the Press Ordinance were thrust upon us and if thereby every avenue of open activity was stopped, the Congress leaders would fail to prove that their programme was the only effective programme; the only effect of these Ordinances would be not to crush the spirit of freedom - because that was impossible - but to drive the movement underground. I am sorryy that my worst anticipations seem somewhat justified today. I can assure everyone, whether he be my countryman or he be a Britisher, that India has chosen the path of non-violence as the best and the easiest path to follow for the achievement of India's freedom. I do believe that inspite of temporary lapses, our countrymen will adhere to this path and will be able in the near future to achieve freedom by following it. But until the goal is reached, I do hope that we shall not be content simply by passing resolution of condemnation or by branding youths a misguided, but we shall at the same time explore the deeper psychological causes which account for those tragic incidents.
swadesh Posted January 23, 2013 Author Report Posted January 23, 2013 [b][u]Anti-War Day[/u][/b] It will be remembered that last year the 11th of November was observed as Anti-War Day by Congress organisations throughout the country. Since then much has happened in the Far East and in Europe which has resulted in a progressive deterioration of the international situation. The events of the last few weeks are too fresh in the public mind to need further recounting. Though they came as a surprise to many, those who are in touch with international affairs apprehended such a spring crisis long ago. And there is no reason to think that with the annexation of Memel Land by Germany or of Albania by Italy the crisis has come to an end. All indications point to the conclusion that the international situation will worsen from day to day. The neo-imperialist powers of Europe seem to have unending schemes of conquest and annexation and are proceeding to give effect to them with planned precision. The old imperialist powers are alarmed for the time being and, to some extent, cowed down. But there is a limit to what they can stand. The recent moves of Great Britain and France as well as the utterances of some responsible British and French statesmen go to show that these two countries are now preparing to resist. So far as India is concerned, we have had an indication of this in the Bill recently introduced in the House of Lords to amend the Government of India Act, 1935. The object of this Bill is to make India safe for an imperialist war by empowering the Central Government to rob the provincial Governments of their normal and legitimate powers and functions in the event of a war emergency arising at any time. I am glad that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru drew public attention to this all-important matter and the Council of the UP Provincial Congress Committee passed a resolution declaring that any limitations imposed by the Central Government on the existing powers of the provincial Governments would be resisted. I was hoping that the international situation and in particular the situation .created by the amending Bill referred to above, would be duly considered by the All-India Congress Committee and the Working Committee and a definite lead would be given to the country on this matter. But owing to the unfortunate delay in the formation of the Working Committee, I feel it incumbent to do what in my judgment the Working Committee would have done in the circumstances, viz., mobilise public opinion in India in favour of non-participation in an imperialist war. I, therefore, request that April 23, 1939, be observed throughout India as Anti-War Day. On this day, meetings and demonstrations should be held everywhere at which resolutions should be passed condemning the amending Bill recently introduced in the British Parliament, re-affirming our policy of non-participation in an imperialist war and expressing our solemn resolve to resist non-violently any attempt to involve India in such a war or to exploit India's manpower or natural resources for war purposes. I humbly and earnestly appeal to all sections of the Indian community, regardless of their political creed, to join whole-heartedly in the anti-war meetings and demonstrations on the 23rd of April. To refresh the public memory I am quoting relevant extracts from the anti-war resolutions passed by the Faizpur and Haripura sessions of the Congress. The Faizpur resolution declared inter alia: “In the event of such a world war taking place there is grave danger of Indian manpower and resources being utilised for the purposes of British imperialism, and it is, therefore, necessary for the Congress to warn the country again against this and prepare it to resist such exploitation of India and her people. No credits must be voted for such a war and voluntary subscriptions and war loans must not be supported and all other war preparations resisted.” The Haripura resolution declared inter alia: "India can be no party to such an imperialist war and will not permit her manpower and resources to be exploited in the interests of British Imperialism. Nor can India join any war without the express consent of her people. The Congress, therefore, entirely disapproves of war preparations being made in India and large-scale manoeuvres and air raid precautions by which it has been sought to spread an atmosphere of approaching war in India. In the event of an attempt being made to involve India in a war, this will be resisted.”
swadesh Posted January 23, 2013 Author Report Posted January 23, 2013 [b][u]Prepare for Struggle, Speech at Howrah[/u][/b] There is a two-fold distinction. Firstly, the Forward Bloc desires to work the existing programme of the Congress, not with a reformist or moderate mentality, but with a revolutionary mentality. Secondly, it has an advanced programme of its own, which it will try and persuade the Congress to accept. This advanced programme will have as its objective the early attainment of India's independence. The Forward Bloc, being a platform for all anti-imperialist, radical and progressive groups, including the Socialist Party, will naturally have a friendly attitude towards the existing Leftist parties or groups in the Congress. It will not do anything consciously to weaken or undermine them. The Forward Bloc expects to have members from these parties or groups. There is no doubt that for some time past we have been drifting towards constitutionalism. This tendency has been considerably accentuated since Congressmen took ministerial office in several provinces. The truly Gandhian spirit of non-violent non-cooperation is being smothered by the newly developed parliamentarian constitutionalist mentality, which is none other than a moderate mentality. The two-fold task of the Forward BIoc will consequently be: firstly, to instil life and revolutionary impulse into the existing programme of the Congress, and, secondly, to prepare the country for the coming struggle through countrywide agitation and through an advanced radical programme. This advanced programme the Congress will be persuaded to accept in December, if only we do the necessary propaganda and agitation from now. If it be found ultimately that our parliamentary machinery is incapable of any further advance or any forward move in the battle of freedom, we may have to discard it and fall back exclusively on a mass movement leading on to a mass satyagraha. I shall mention a few items of the programme. It will be necessary to raise and equip a Congress Volunteer Corps on an all-India basis and develop closer and intimate contacts with other anti-imperialist organisations such as the Kisan Sabha, Trade Union Congress, youth league and student movements, if we want to mobilise all the available revolutionary energy of the nation. In organising the Forward Bloc we intend taking practical steps towards establishment of contact between the Congress and other anti-imperialist organisations. A further item will be the establishment of closer relationship between the Congress and States peoples' movements. We are of definite opinion that a sub-committee of the Congress should formulate a comprehensive programme for helping and guiding the people's movement in the six hundred odd States. This plan should be given effect to simultaneously all over the country. Apart from this we would devote our attention to the minority problem, particularly the Hindu-Muslim question. In spite of assurances given to minorities and Muslims in particular, through several successive resolutions of the Congress, the fact remains that we have not succeeded in rallying them to a common platform. The announcement of the formation of the Forward Bloc has evoked such favourable reactions from minority communities that we are led to hope that, through the instrumentality of the Forward Bloc and its radical programme, we may be able to establish real unity.
swadesh Posted January 23, 2013 Author Report Posted January 23, 2013 [b][u]Addressing Rabindra Nath Tagore at the laying of foundation of Mahajati Sadan[/u][/b] Today we assemble here to witness the beginning of the fulfilment of a long-cherished dream. Those who for years have toiled and suffered — laboured and sacrificed — so that India may be free, have long wished for an abode to provide shelter and protection for their activities and to serve as a visible symbol of their hopes and ideals — dreams and aspirations. More than once has the attempt been made to give us the home that we have wanted, but is has failed and it has been left to you to lay the foundation stone of the "House of the Nation." It is indeed a rare piece of fortune that we have you here in our midst this afternoon to sow with your hands the seed that will bear the fruit with which our nation will be nurtured in the days to come. On this auspicious occasion we cannot help casting our eyes towards the past and the future of our people. From this soil sprang the movement that was at once the Reformation and the Renaissance of modern India. It was a movement which knew no provincial boundaries and which transcended the national frontier of India as well. Was not the message of Ram Mohan and Ram Krishna — a message for humanity? Was it not the voice of awakened India that spoke through them? We are the heirs of their spiritual and culture heritage and we are conscious of it. The liberated soul of Modem India wanted to manifest itself in action, but found itself enchained by the state on the one side and society on the other. Then emerged the movement for the political and social emancipation of the Indian people. For this movement, our soil was not less fertile than it was for the earlier movement — the Reformation and Renaissance of Modern India. Twenty years of agitation after the birth of the Indian National Congress in 1885, ushered in a new era in our political history — the age of self-help and self-reliance, of Swadeshi and Boycott. The pressure of governmental repression on the one side and of the Partition of Bengal on the other soon broke-down the walls of prudence and the maddened youths of India sought inspiration along another path — the path of armed revolt so well-known in history. Before the lapse of a decade, we again entered on a new age — the age of nonviolent non-cooperation and Satyagragha (or civil disobedience). Today clouds have 'darkened our political firmament and the Congress stands at one of the cross-roads of history. Shall we hark back again to the days of Constitutionalism which we thought we had discarded in 1920. Or shall we continue along the path of mass-movement which ends in mass-struggle? I shall not enter into a controversy. I shall only say this that the awakened masses of India cannot give up the method of self-help and self-reliance, of mass-organisation and mass-struggle which has given them the success they have won and which will bring them the greater success that is yet to come. Above all, they cannot give up their birth-right of freedom for a sordid bargain with alien Imperialism. Today our people dream not only of a free India, but also of an Indian State founded on the principles of justice and equality and of a now social and political order which will embody all that we hold noble and sacred. With the voice of eternity you, sir, have all along given passionate expression to the hopes and aspirations of our regenerate nation. Yours has been the message of undying youth. You have not only written poetry and produced art — but you have also lived poetry and art. You are not only India's poet but you are also the poet of humanity. Who can understand better than yourself what surges within us today as we assemble to witness the beginning of the fulfilment of a dream? Who else can perform this sacred ceremony for which we have gathered in your presence. Gurudev, we welcome you as the high-priest in today's national festival; proceed to lay with your hands the foundation stone of ''Mahajati Sadan." Give us your blessings so that we may be able to make this the "House of the Nation" — the living-centre of all those beneficial activities which will bring about the emancipation of the individual and of the nation, as well as the all-round development of India's manhood and nationhood. Bless us that we may hasten along the path that will lead to India's liberty and to our national self-fulfilment.
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